Now, the news station is experiencing severe attrition as anchors, analysts and researchers resign. Coverage of events and breaking news, especially regarding possible collusion with Russia, jumps to the defense of the president and his administration before addressing the reality of the situation. This is crucial to understanding that Peters was not making this decision on political grounds but rather moral ones.
Ronald Radosh This year, the sixtieth anniversaries of two important trials will take place. The likelihood is that they will be scarcely noticed, although in their day these trials were monumentally important examples of the all-out propaganda offensive the USSR would wage during the coming years of the Cold War.
Even now, these trials provide a unique window onto the way in which the Communist propaganda machine worked, denying and in effect erasing Soviet brutalities at the same time that it was projecting exactly the crimes Stalin had committed—in this case, a summary judicial execution based in large part on rank anti-Semitism—onto the American political and legal system.
The trial of Rudolf Slansky, and ten other top party officials, for the crimes of high treason and sabotage in Prague in was one of those travesties of justice that communist parties of the West would contort fact and logic to justify.
As in the show trials carried out earlier in the Soviet Union, it was a classic Stalinist operation. The arrest and indictment guaranteed a guilty verdict. Is it finally over? Walter Laqueur reviews two new histories of the epic struggle of the 20th century — one Western, one Russian.
A major aspect of the Slansky trial that was underreported at the time, even by those who protested the travesty, was its virulent anti-Semitism.
Of the fourteen defendants, eleven, including Slansky himself, were always described to the court as being of Jewish origin; all were accused of supporting Zionist groups, as well as of being supporters of Israel. As the trial concluded with sentences of death by hanging, there were no protests anywhere in Czechoslovakia.
To the contrary, thousands of supportive resolutions poured in to the party from labor unions, government agencies, high schools, university groups, and so forth. Many of them, it turned out, also included anti-Semitic comments. The Rosenberg case had the elements of high drama and stood in stark contrast to the secretive, gray courtroom proceedings in the Slansky affair.
But when the prosecution ended its case, the jury had plenty of objective evidence on which to judge the Rosenberg couple, who had certainly had their day in court. Summations by both sides were made at the end of two weeks, and on April 5,Judge Irving Kaufman handed down his sentence: The defendants were not executed the very next day, as was the case with the Prague defendants.
Indeed, for the next two years, their counsel pushed the legal system to the limits, using every maneuver possible to have the sentence overturned, and the death sentence commuted.
It remained mum except for a short editorial that protested the death sentence and argued that the couple was a scapegoat for the Korean War, but did not charge that they had been framed. When a major international movement emerged to defend the Rosenbergs—eventually becoming an international phenomenon—it began not in the Communist press, but rather in the fellow-traveling weekly, the National Guardian.
On August 15,the Guardian broke his story with a front-page headline: Donations began pouring in. It became clear that suddenly the American Communist Party had reversed course and ordered its cadre to join the campaign and put all its efforts into the work.
A rally was held in the New York theater district with appearances by the black baritone and secret Communist Party member Paul Robeson and the actress Ruby Dee.
Later, they would be able to charter trains to send thousands more to picket the White House. One of the most significant was seen in the words of one Communist leader: It was at this moment that the intersection with the Slansky trial became quite clear.
It was on December 3, —the same day that the French Rosenberg Defense Committee was founded—that Rudolf Slansky and his co-defendants were executed in Prague.
The Rosenberg case fit the bill perfectly. In one trial defendants charged with specific acts of treason, sabotage and murder. Let us sever our ties—or we may in turn be bitten and catch the disease. It would be preferable to publish articles about the trial first and foremost in the non-Communist press.
Spy-mania is at its peak. The USSR is officially recognized as the number one enemy, even in peacetime; greater even than Germany during wartime. Frightening the populace, [because] by a single denunciation, innocent people can be sentenced to death, no American can be certain about the future.
If the [death] sentence is not revoked, Americans will be threatened by repression the likes of which they have never dreamed of. As the propaganda campaign progressed, it became clear to the KGB, as well as to its American apparat, that the Rosenbergs would go to their deaths rather than betray the cause to which they devoted their lives.
They entered into the propaganda realm on their own, just as the KGB had originally suggested. These letters were filled with propaganda themes that could be used by their defense team. Yet these two events show how the Soviets and their allies in the US ran a propaganda campaign on our own soil that convinced many Americans to adopt its themes and fight on behalf of a couple who indeed were, just as the US prosecutors claimed, spies for the Soviet Union.
The KGB was able to use the Rosenbergs to offset the injustice of the Slansky trial and counter the anti-Semitism at its heart while also creating anti-American sentiment in Europe.
Meanwhile, members of the French left, as we now know, not only did and said nothing about the Slansky verdict, but worked hard to make it disappear—almost as hard as they worked to inflate the Rosenberg trial to epic proportions as a way of prosecuting America for exactly the kind of crimes that the Soviets had committed.Author Guidelines All submissions to American Imago must be sent via email to the Editor at [email protected] Articles submitted to the journal should .
“The Use of Humor in Television Advertising in Hong Kong.” HUMOR: International Journal of Humor Research (): Chattopadhyay, Amitava, and Basu Kunal. “Humor in Advertising: The Moderating Role of Prior Brand Evaluation.” Journal of Marketing Research (): Cline, Thomas W., and James J.
Kellaris. met the man who said those words while working as a bartender in the Ozark Mountains of northwest Arkansas. It was a one-street town in Benton County. Not only does this confuse Christ with the church (if Christ is the head, he is not the body; if Christ is the bridegroom, he is not the bride), it makes the institutional church salvific, and makes salvation a result of church membership.
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